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This interview is part of the Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive. Interviews were conducted by the Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation as part of the national 500 Oral Histories Project. &#13;
&#13;
Additionally, this interview was recorded in the process of producing VIETNAMERICA, a feature-length film and follow-up to the short documentary, Master Hoa's Requiem. Not all interview materials were included in the final film. The film follows Master Hoa back to Southeast Asia to search for the graves of his wife and two children. Hoa escaped Vietnam in 1981 on a boat with his family and friends. He is the sole survivor.&#13;
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                  <text>This collection is part of the 500 Oral Histories Project that was coordinated by The Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation (VAHF) and filmed entirely by volunteers. </text>
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                  <text>This oral histories collection was coordinated by The Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation (VAHF) with funding from the Union of North American Vietnamese Students Association. </text>
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              <text>Bui Diem was ambassador to United States for South Vietnam from 1966 to 1972, and subsequently ambassador-at-large, promoting what he calls "the cause of Vietnam." He begins by describing his party activism as a young man, specifically how the Communist party did not accept the Nationalist party, and how many of his friends were killed as a result. Bui Diem also discusses the political landscape in Vietnam, the French Indochina War, the Geneva Conference of 1954, the formation of the Republic of Vietnam and the role of the United States in the continued efforts for a democratic Vietnam. </text>
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              <text>Ambassador to US for South Vietnam &#13;
Ambassador at Large from 1972&#13;
Head of National Party &#13;
Flew out on a small plane Monday 27 to Newark&#13;
Paris Peace Accords 1973&#13;
Communists&#13;
Anti-communists&#13;
South Vietnam&#13;
US President Nixon&#13;
Government Official&#13;
Diplomat&#13;
Economic Aid &#13;
Military Aid&#13;
Watergate&#13;
President Nguyen Van Thieu 1965 to 1975&#13;
Media&#13;
Ho Chi Minh&#13;
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              <text>Nancy Bui</text>
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              <text>Ambassador</text>
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              <text>JTF_DISK1_B(D:)\Washington2_rawfootage/Bui_Diem2</text>
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                <text>Bui, Diem</text>
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                <text>Vietnam War, 1961-1975</text>
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                <text>Bui Diem was born in 1923 in Ha Nam. Along with many friends and family members, Bui Diem joined the Greater Vietnam Nationalist Party (GVNP) from a young age to fight the French for independence. At the beginning of the First Indochina War, VNP members cooperated with the communists against the French but later many members of them were killed or abducted by the communists. One of the most famous victims of communist terror was Doctor Dang Vu Tru, which was the son of Doctor Dang Vu Lac, a respected member of the GVNP. &#13;
In 1946, Bao Dai, the final emperor of Vietnam, left Vietnam for China after serving briefly as an advisor to Ho Chi Minh’s government. In 1949, the French arranged for his return to build an anti-communist, nationalist regime in South Vietnam, which was named the “Bao Dai solution.” From 1952 to 1954, Bui Diem served as a member of this government in Sai Gon. During this period, he participated in many negotiations with the French, advocating for full independence for Vietnam. The French promised to grant full independence to Vietnam, yet sought to prolong their control in South Vietnam. The war ended with the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Subsequently, the Geneva Accords divided Vietnam into two parts; north of the 17th parallel became communist, while South Vietnam was the province of a nationalist government with Bao Dai as Head of State and Ngo Dinh Diem as his Prime Minister.&#13;
The Geneva Accords provided that a general election be held in 1956 to create a national state for a unified Vietnam. Under tremendous pressure from the Soviet Union and China, North Vietnam reluctantly accepted the temporary division of Vietnam. However, the communist regime believed that one day they would occupy the whole of Vietnam through any means necessary, including military action. Although the Geneva Accords required the forces of North Vietnam to withdraw to north of the military demarcation line, and the French to the South of that line, the communists still left many cadres in South Vietnam. Those communists would later form Vietcong forces that fought against the government of Ngo Dinh Diem. In 1956, there were no unification elections. The South argued that neither it nor the United States signed anything at the Geneva Conference.&#13;
According to Bui Diem, during Diem’s presidency, he did bring a lot of good things to South Vietnam. He created an administration and organized the whole country into a centralized state. He also welcomed one million refugees evacuating from the North to the South. However, his rule became increasingly dictatorial over time as he surrounded himself with his relatives and loyalists. During his rule, political parties were excluded from government participation. Diem’s persecution of South Vietnam’s Buddhists led to rebellions against his rule. His regime finally succumbed to a coup organized by his generals in 1963. According to Bui Diem, the generals felt that it was necessary to overthrow Diem for fear that the communists would take advantage of the Buddhist crisis to attack the South.&#13;
Ngo Dinh Diem was assassinated during the 1963 coup, so was JFK 20 days later while travelling in a presidential motorcade through downtown Dallas, Texas. Vice President Johnson succeeded him as President. Bui Diem made his first trip to the US in 1964, and attended a Congress session during which the Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which granted President Johnson the authority to intervene militarily in Vietnam. Among 100 senators, 98 voted in favor while 2 voted against the resolution. Meanwhile, all U.S. representatives supported the resolution. &#13;
The U.S. got involved further in Vietnam with the landing of the marines in Da Nang in 1965. Although ambassador Maxwell Taylor said that the U.S. sent ground troops to Da Nang to reinforce the defense of the airport there, he later admitted that the American establishment in Sai Gon had neither been thoroughly consulted nor informed of the decision. The American buildup reached a critical stage as the U.S. deployed almost half a million troops to South Vietnam in 1967. This put the South Vietnamese Government in a difficult situation because the communists condemned the South for accepting the presence of foreign troops in Vietnam. &#13;
Bui Diem  was in Washington, D.C. when the Tet Offensive began in 1968. Viet Cong forces suffered massive casualties with no apparent military gains during the Tet Offensive. Politically and psychologically speaking, however, the Tet Offensive achieved a certain level of success as it dramatically changed the American public’s perception of the war. On March 18, Bui Diem met with President Johnson to discuss the situation in Vietnam. “I cannot hold alone. We are in deep trouble if we don’t win,” the President said. Talking to Bui Diem about a rumor about the conflict between General Thieu and General Ky in Sai Gon, Secretary of Defense Clark Clifford expressed his frustration: “We are sick to death about the fuss in Sai Gon. Our support to Viet Nam is limited. We have to find a solution before we have to face a disaster.” &#13;
The disengagement of the US from Vietnam began in 1968 with President Johnson and continued under the Nixon administration. Henry Kissinger became National Security Adviser to Nixon in 1969. He was in favor of having negotiations with North Vietnam to find an honorable way out. From the end of 1969 to the beginning of 1970, being aware of the disengagement of the US from Vietnam, Bui Diem wrote a long report to President Thieu in which he asserted that: “From my point of view, the US is going to stay in Vietnam for a period of three years. Or if we can prolong this period, it’ll be a maximum of 5 years.”&#13;
When Nixon came to power, he implemented “Vietnamization,” which meant a gradual transfer of responsibility from American troops to Vietnamese troops. In 1972, North Vietnam launched the Spring – Summer Offensive to gain more territory. South Vietnamese troops fought hard, pushing the North to the frontiers, and re-occupying Quang Tri, Hue, and Xuan Loc. Bui Diem believed that North Vietnam forces suffered great defeats during the offensive, which demonstrated the success of Vietnamization. &#13;
From the end of 1968, the South Vietnamese Government and the National Liberation Front began joining peace talks with the Americans and North Vietnamese. As South Vietnam’s ambassador to the US, Bui Diem travelled back and forth between Washington, D.C. and Paris to take part in these talks. When in Paris, Bui Diem observed that almost the entire international press was in favor of Ho Chi Minh and the communists. Because the four-sided talks had become stalemated, Kissinger decided to engage in secret negotiations with the North Vietnamese delegation, headed by Le Duc Tho. The South Vietnamese were only made aware of these secret meetings in 1971. Private meetings between Kissinger and Le Duc Tho and Xuan Thuy lasted for a year, culminating in a draft peace agreement, which was presented to President Thieu in Sai Gon in 1972. The draft neither proposed nor demanded a withdrawal of North Vietnamese troops from South Vietnam. The South Vietnamese government was unhappy with the draft agreement, thus sending Bui Diem to Washington, D.C. to demand amendments to it. Kissinger then rushed back to Paris to present the amendments to Le Duc Tho but he refused to accept them. Finally, the US then gave President Thieu an ultimatum - if he refused to sign the Paris Agreement, it would put an end to US aid to South Vietnam. &#13;
In April 1973, President Thieu was invited to San Clemente to meet with President Nixon. Nixon promised the continuation of economic and military aid to South Vietnam. Nixon also guaranteed that the US would retaliate militarily if North Vietnam violated the Paris Agreement. Just a few weeks later, however, the Watergate scandal came to light. Nixon fought hard to preserve his presidency and could not keep his promise with Thieu. For example, in 1974, there was a fierce battle in Binh Long province, during which the communists deployed their forces to attack the South Vietnamese Army, yet there was no reaction from the US.&#13;
The economic and military conditions in the South deteriorated from 1974 to the beginning of 1975. The withdrawal of the South Vietnam troops from Pleiku and Kontum to Nha Trang was not well-planned, and they suffered heavy losses. When the communists attacked Ban Me Thuat that year, Bui Diem returned to Washington, D.C. in his last desperate attempt to lobby for an emergency military aid of US$ 700 million to defend South Vietnam. The US Congress refused his request. Bui Diem returned to Vietnam empty-handed just ten days before the fall of Sai Gon. U.S. ambassador Graham Martin arranged a private plane for Bui Diem to leave Sai Gon for the US. He is currently settled in Washington, D.C.&#13;
&#13;
Bùi Diễm sinh năm 1923 tại Hà Nam. Cùng với nhiều bạn bè và người thân trong gia đình, Bùi Diễm tham gia Đại Việt Quốc dân Đảng từ khi còn trẻ với mục đích đánh đuổi thực dân Pháp giành độc lập cho dân tộc. Chiến tranh Đông Dương lần thứ nhất giữa quân Pháp và chính quyền cộng sản do Hồ Chí Minh lãnh đạo kéo dài từ năm 1946 đến năm 1954. Ban đầu, các đảng viên Đại Việt cùng hợp tác với cộng sản tham gia các cuộc tấn công chống lại quân Pháp. Tuy nhiên, nhiều thành viên của Đảng Đại Việt đã bị giết hoặc mất tích do sự đàn áp của cộng sản. Một trong những nạn nhân nổi tiếng nhất của cộng sản là bác sĩ Đặng Vũ Trứ, con trai của bác sĩ Đặng Vũ Lạc, một đảng viên đáng kính của Đảng Đại Việt.&#13;
Năm 1946, Bảo Đại rời Việt Nam sang Trung Quốc sau khi làm cố vấn cho chính phủ của Hồ Chí Minh trong một thời gian ngắn. Năm 1949, người Pháp thu xếp để ông trở lại xây dựng một chế độ theo khuynh hướng dân tộc và chống cộng, được gọi là “Giải pháp Bảo Đại”. Từ năm 1952 đến năm 1954, Bùi Diễm là thành viên của chính phủ này tại Sài Gòn. Trong thời kỳ này, ông đã tham gia nhiều cuộc đàm phán với người Pháp, chủ trương giành độc lập hoàn toàn cho Việt Nam. Người Pháp hứa với Bảo Đại sẽ trao trả độc lập cho Việt Nam, nhưng lại tìm cách kéo dài quyền kiểm soát của họ ở miền Nam. Chiến tranh kết thúc với thất bại của Pháp tại Điện Biên Phủ năm 1954. Sau đó, Hiệp định Genève chia Việt Nam thành hai phần; chính quyền cộng sản chiếm đóng phía Bắc vĩ tuyến 17, trong khi Nam Việt Nam được lãnh đạo bởi một chính phủ theo chủ nghĩa dân tộc đứng đầu bởi Quốc trưởng Bảo Đại và Thủ tướng Ngô Đình Diệm.&#13;
Hiệp định Genève quy định rằng một cuộc tổng tuyển cử sẽ được tổ chức vào năm 1956 để bầu ra chính quyền mới cho một nước Việt Nam thống nhất. Dưới áp lực của Liên Xô và Trung Quốc, Bắc Việt miễn cưỡng chấp nhận sự chia cắt tạm thời này. Tuy nhiên, chế độ cộng sản tin rằng một ngày nào đó họ sẽ chiếm toàn bộ Việt Nam bằng mọi cách cần thiết, kể cả hành động quân sự. Mặc dù Hiệp định Genève yêu cầu các lực lượng của miền Bắc rút về phía bắc đường phân giới quân sự và quân Pháp tập kết về phía Nam, miền Bắc vẫn để lại rất nhiều người ở miền Nam. Những người này sau này trở thành lực lượng Việt Cộng chống lại chính quyền Ngô Đình Diệm. Năm 1956, không có cuộc bầu cử thống nhất nào diễn ra. Chính quyền miền Nam lập luận rằng cả họ và Hoa Kỳ đều không ký kết bất cứ điều gì tại Hội nghị Geneva.&#13;
Theo Bùi Diễm, trong suốt nhiệm kỳ tổng thống, Ngô Đình Diệm đã mang lại nhiều điều tốt đẹp cho miền Nam. Ông đã tạo ra một nền hành chính và tổ chức cả nước thành một nhà nước tập quyền. Ông cũng chào đón một triệu người tị nạn di tản từ Bắc vào Nam. Tuy nhiên, sự cai trị của ông ngày càng trở nên độc tài khi ông bao quanh mình bởi những người thân và tôi tớ trung thành. Trong thời gian Diệm cầm quyền, các đảng phái chính trị không được tham gia công việc của chính phủ. Cuộc đàn áp của Diệm đối với các Phật tử ở miền Nam dẫn đến nhiều cuộc bạo loạn chống chính phủ. Chế độ của Diệm cuối cùng sụp đổ sau một cuộc đảo chính do các tướng lãnh cầm đầu vào năm 1963. Theo Bùi Diễm, các tướng lãnh cảm thấy cần phải lật đổ Diệm vì sợ rằng cộng sản sẽ lợi dụng cuộc khủng hoảng Phật giáo để tấn công miền Nam.&#13;
Ngô Đình Diệm bị ám sát trong cuộc đảo chính năm 1963. 20 ngày sau JFK chịu chung số phận khi đoàn xe tổng thống đi qua trung tâm thành phố Dallas, Texas. Phó Tổng thống Johnson kế nhiệm JFK. Bùi Diễm thực hiện chuyến đi đầu tiên đến Hoa Kỳ vào năm 1964. Ông được tham dự một phiên họp Quốc hội Hoa Kỳ, trong đó Quốc hội đã thông qua Nghị quyết Vịnh Bắc Bộ trao cho Tổng thống Johnson quyền can thiệp quân sự vào miền Nam Việt Nam. Trong số 100 Thượng nghị sĩ, 98 người bỏ phiếu ủng hộ và chỉ có 2 người bỏ phiếu chống. Trong khi đó, tất cả các Hạ nghị sĩ đều ủng hộ nghị quyết này.&#13;
Mỹ can dự sâu hơn vào Việt Nam với cuộc đổ bộ của lính thủy đánh bộ vào Đà Nẵng năm 1965. Mặc dù đại sứ Maxwell Taylor nói rằng Mỹ gửi lính đến Đà Nẵng để củng cố phòng thủ sân bay ở đó, nhưng sau đó ông thừa nhận rằng người Mỹ ở Sài Gòn đã không được tham vấn kỹ lưỡng cũng như không được thông báo về quyết định này. Sự can dự của Mỹ đạt đến đỉnh điểm khi Mỹ triển khai gần nửa triệu quân đến miền Nam Việt Nam vào năm 1967. Điều này đặt chính quyền miền Nam Việt Nam vào tình thế khó khăn vì cộng sản lên án miền Nam chấp nhận sự hiện diện của quân đội nước ngoài tại Việt Nam.&#13;
Bùi Diễm đang ở Washington, D.C. khi cuộc Tổng tấn công Tết Mậu Thân nổ ra vào năm 1968. Lực lượng Việt Cộng bị thương vong lớn mà không đạt được lợi ích quân sự nào trong Tết Mậu Thân. Tuy nhiên, về mặt chính trị và tâm lý, cuộc Tổng tấn công đã đạt được một mức độ thành công nhất định vì nó làm thay đổi đáng kể nhận thức của công chúng Mỹ về cuộc chiến. Ngày 18 tháng 3 năm 1968, Bùi Diễm gặp Tổng thống Johnson để bàn về tình hình Việt Nam. Tổng thống nói “Tôi không thể cầm cự một mình. Chúng ta sẽ gặp rắc rối lớn nếu chúng ta không giành chiến thắng.” Trao đổi với Bùi Diễm về tin đồn về xung đột giữa Tướng Thiệu và Tướng Kỳ ở Sài Gòn, Bộ trưởng Quốc phòng Clark Clifford bày tỏ sự thất vọng: “Chúng tôi phát ngán đống lộn xộn ở Sài Gòn. Hỗ trợ của chúng tôi đối với Việt Nam là có giới hạn. Chúng ta phải tìm ra giải pháp trước khi phải đối mặt với thảm họa.”&#13;
Việc Mỹ giảm bớt sự dính líu ở Việt Nam bắt đầu từ năm 1968 với Tổng thống Johnson và tiếp tục dưới thời chính quyền Nixon. Henry Kissinger trở thành Cố vấn An ninh Quốc gia cho Nixon vào năm 1969. Ông ủng hộ việc đàm phán với Bắc Việt để tìm một lối thoát danh dự cho Hoa Kỳ. Từ cuối năm 1969 đến đầu năm 1970, nhận thức được việc Mỹ sẽ rút quân khỏi Việt Nam, Bùi Diễm viết một bản tường trình dài gửi Tổng thống Thiệu, trong đó ông khẳng định: “Theo quan điểm của tôi, Mỹ sẽ ở lại Việt Nam trong thời gian ba năm. Hoặc nếu chúng ta có thể kéo dài thời gian này, thì tối đa là 5 năm."&#13;
Khi Nixon lên nắm quyền, ông thực hiện chiến lược“Việt Nam hóa chiến tranh,” nghĩa là chuyển dần trách nhiệm từ quân đội Mỹ sang cho quân lực Việt Nam Cộng hòa. Năm 1972, Bắc Việt phát động cuộc Tổng tấn công Xuân - Hè để giành thêm lãnh thổ. Quân miền Nam chiến đấu kiên cường, đẩy miền Bắc ra biên giới, tái chiếm Quảng Trị, Huế và Xuân Lộc. Bùi Diễm tin rằng lực lượng Bắc Việt chịu thất bại nặng nề trong cuộc tấn công, và kết quả này chứng tỏ sự thành công của chiến lược “Việt Nam hóa chiến tranh.”&#13;
Từ cuối năm 1968, chính quyền miền Nam Việt Nam và Mặt trận Dân tộc Giải phóng bắt đầu tham gia hòa đàm với người Mỹ và Bắc Việt. Ở cương vị đại sứ của Nam Việt Nam tại Hoa Kỳ, Bùi Diễm bay qua bay lại giữa Washington, D.C. và Paris để tham gia các cuộc đàm phán này. Khi ở Paris, Bùi Diễm nhận thấy hầu như toàn bộ báo chí quốc tế đều ủng hộ Hồ Chí Minh và những người cộng sản. Vì cuộc đàm phán bốn bên trở nên bế tắc, Kissinger quyết định đàm phán bí mật với phái đoàn Bắc Việt do Lê Đức Thọ đứng đầu. Miền Nam Việt Nam chỉ biết đến những cuộc gặp bí mật này vào năm 1971. Các cuộc gặp riêng giữa Kissinger với Lê Đức Thọ và Xuân Thủy kéo dài một năm, dẫn đến sự ra đời của bản dự thảo hiệp định hòa bình, được trình lên Tổng thống Thiệu tại Sài Gòn vào năm 1972. Bản dự thảo không đề xuất, cũng không yêu cầu Bắc Việt rút quân khỏi Nam Việt Nam. Chính quyền Việt Nam Cộng hòa không hài lòng với dự thảo hiệp định, do đó đã cử Bùi Diễm đến Washington, D.C. để yêu cầu sửa đổi. Sau đó Kissinger vội vã trở lại Paris để trình bày với Lê Đức Thọ những sửa đổi này nhưng ông từ chối chấp nhận. Sau đó Mỹ đưa ra cho Tổng thống Thiệu một tối hậu thư - nếu Thiệu từ chối ký Hiệp định Paris, thì Mỹ sẽ chấm dứt viện trợ cho miền Nam.&#13;
Tháng 4 năm 1973, Tổng thống Thiệu được mời đến San Clemente để gặp Tổng thống Nixon. Nixon hứa sẽ tiếp tục viện trợ kinh tế và quân sự cho miền Nam. Nixon cũng đảm bảo rằng Hoa Kỳ sẽ trả đũa quân sự nếu Bắc Việt vi phạm Hiệp định Paris. Tuy nhiên, chỉ vài tuần sau, vụ bê bối Watergate được đưa ra ánh sáng. Nixon chiến đấu vất vả để bảo vệ vị trí tổng thống của mình và không thể giữ lời hứa với Thiệu. Vào năm 1974, tại Bình Long đã xảy ra một trận đánh ác liệt. Cộng sản triển khai lực lượng lớn tấn công quân đội miền Nam Việt Nam, nhưng phía Mỹ không có bất cứ phản ứng nào.&#13;
Các điều kiện kinh tế và quân sự ở miền Nam xấu đi từ năm 1974 cho đến đầu năm 1975. Việc rút quân của quân đội miền Nam từ Pleiku và Kontum về Nha Trang không được chuẩn bị kỹ lưỡng, khiến quân đội chịu tổn thất nặng nề. Khi cộng sản tấn công Ban Mê Thuật, Bùi Diễm bay đến Washington, D.C. trong nỗ lực cuối cùng để vận động thông qua gói viện trợ quân sự khẩn cấp trị giá 700 triệu Mỹ kim để cứu miền Nam. Quốc hội Hoa Kỳ từ chối yêu cầu của ông. Bùi Diễm tay trắng trở về Việt Nam chỉ mười ngày trước khi Sài Gòn thất thủ. Đại sứ Hoa Kỳ Graham Martin thu xếp một máy bay riêng để Bùi Diễm rời Sài Gòn đi Mỹ. Hiện ông định cư ở Washington, D.C.&#13;
&#13;
This interview is part of the Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive. Interviews were conducted by the Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation as part of the national 500 Oral Histories Project. &#13;
&#13;
Additionally, this interview was recorded in the process of producing VIETNAMERICA, a feature-length film and follow-up to the short documentary, Master Hoa's Requiem. Not all interview materials were included in the final film. The film follows Master Hoa back to Southeast Asia to search for the graves of his wife and two children. Hoa escaped Vietnam in 1981 on a boat with his family and friends. He is the sole survivor.</text>
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                <text>Bui Diem was ambassador to United States for South Vietnam from 1966 to 1972, and subsequently ambassador-at-large, promoting what he calls "the cause of Vietnam." He begins by describing his party activism as a young man, specifically how the Communist party did not accept the Nationalist party, and how many of his friends were killed as a result. Bui Diem also discusses the political landscape in Vietnam, the French Indochina War, the Geneva Conference of 1954, the formation of the Republic of Vietnam and the role of the United States in the continued efforts for a democratic Vietnam. </text>
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                <text>Diem, Bui interview by Nancy Bui. July 18, 2013. Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation oral history interviews, 2017, Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive.</text>
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                <text>Huỳnh Công Út, known as Nick Ut, recounts his experiences as a photojournalist and his Pulitzer-prize-winning photo, that of the napalm bombing of the village of Trang Bang, where he photographed a nine-year-old unclothed and badly burned Kim Phuc running toward the camera. Along with Kim Phuc, he recounts the aftermath, beginning with the harrowing ride to the local hospital to get her the proper treatment. He also speaks more broadly about the horrors of war, and of the role some credit him with in bringing about the end of the war.   </text>
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                <text>Ut, Huynh Cong (Nick)</text>
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                <text>Vietnam War, 1961-1975</text>
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                <text>Huỳnh Công Út, known as Nick Ut, recounts his experiences as a photojournalist and his Pulitzer-prize-winning photo, that of the napalm bombing of the village of Trang Bang, where he photographed a nine-year-old unclothed and badly burned Kim Phuc running toward the camera. Along with Kim Phuc, he recounts the aftermath, beginning with the harrowing ride to the local hospital to get her the proper treatment. He also speaks more broadly about the horrors of war, and of the role some credit him with in bringing about the end of the war.   &#13;
&#13;
This interview is part of the Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive. Interviews were conducted by the Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation as part of the national 500 Oral Histories Project. &#13;
&#13;
Additionally, this interview was recorded in the process of producing VIETNAMERICA, a feature-length film and follow-up to the short documentary, Master Hoa's Requiem. Not all interview materials were included in the final film. The film follows Master Hoa back to Southeast Asia to search for the graves of his wife and two children. Hoa escaped Vietnam in 1981 on a boat with his family and friends. He is the sole survivor.</text>
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                <text>Nick Ut</text>
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                <text>Interviewer: Nancy Bui</text>
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                <text>Other Interviewee Participant: Phan Thi Kim Phuc </text>
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                <text>The creator for this material has granted The Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation copyright of the audio, video and photo materials. It is being made available for non-profit educational use.</text>
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                <text>Vietnam</text>
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                <text>500 Oral Histories Project of The Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation</text>
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                <text>August 1, 2013 and September 22, 2013</text>
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                <text>2012-10-06</text>
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            <name>License</name>
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                <text>Ut, Cong Huynh (Nick) and Phan Thi Kim Phuc interview by Nancy Bui. August 1, 2013 and September 22, 2013. Vietnamese American Heritage Foundation oral history interviews, 2017, Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive.</text>
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        <name>Nguyen Ngoc Loan (Major General ARVN) 1930-1998</name>
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